Henry VII Hohenstaufen
*1211 - †1242
ARMS AND IMAGES
OF A REBELLIOUS KING
*1211- †12.II.1242 (Co- ?) King of Sicily II.1212 Duke of Swabia 1216/'17 Rector of Burgundy 4.I.1220 King of Rome 1220 - 1235 Elected Frankfurt 23.IV.1220 Crowned Aachen 8.V.1222 ¥ Margaret of Austria 1225 Deposed 2/4.VII.1235 |
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DUKE OF SWABIA
AND ROMAN KING [1] |
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Henry VII (*1211- †12.II.1242) was the son of
Frederick II of Hohenstaufen and Constance of Aragon. He was crowned a king
of Sicily when he was still a baby and became a duke of Swabia when he was
five. His dazzling career as a child ended in 1220 when he was crowned a
Roman king on 23 April. At the instance of pope Honorius III, who feared the
geopolitical consequences of this coronation, he had to abandon his kingship
of Sicily. Frederick II, crowned Emperor at the same time succeeded him and
would govern the kingdom. In fact nothing was achieved with this construction
because Frederick II did not only rule in Sicily but in fact also in Germany,
Italy and Burgundy. To make things worse the attempt of the Holy See to get
rid of Frederick II failed because he
could end the crusade he undertook at the instance of pope Gregory IX in the
years 1229-’30, with a diplomatic victory. Henry VII was crowned when he was eleven on
18 May 1222 in Aachen. During his minority Germany and Swabia were governed by regents until Henry took
over the government in 1228. His support of the middle classes against their
bishops irritated the princes who extorted in 1231 a large number of measures
from him, protecting them against the growing power of the cities and
extending their power over their own territories. Such a kind of privilege,
be it not so fargoing, was granted by Frederick II to the prelates at the
occasion of the election of Henry in 1220. In May 1232 he confirmed the Statutem in favorem principum of Henry which de facto legitimized the independence of the German princes. Not long after,
Henry tried to hamper imperial power and in September 1234 he rebelled
against the emperor. He was joined by the Lombard League which resisted the
restoration after 1231 of imperial power in Lombardy by Frederick II. The
revolt collapsed when Frederick II came to Germany in the spring of 1235. In
July Henry was deposed and taken prisoner by Frederick II. At the same time
he decided to declare an Imperial war against the Lombards and defeated the
Lombard army on 27 November 1237 near Cortenuova. Henry was never rehabilitated. After seven
years of imprisonment he died when he was transported from his prison in
Nicastro to an other one in the vicinity of Cosenza (Calabria). He was 31
then. [2] Probably because he had been fallen in disgrace
there are but a few objects preserved referring to him. The erasing of the
memory of this rebel is felt until the present day. The so-called Rider of
Bamberg for example, of which can be demonstrated by portraits on seals to be
Henry VII, is supposed to be any prince but he. Instead king Stephen of
Hungary, emperor Henry II (1012-’25 (!)) and emperor Frederick II are
proposed. [3] When research on the heraldry of Henry VII is
involved, we have not only to consult German sources but also those in other
countries and in particular the famous English chronicler Matthew Paris. Some portraits of Henry VII are preserved on
which we may notice a coat of arms. Other documents about his arms are known
because of the diplomatic relations between his father and Henry III of
England. In the first place there is an equestrian
seal depicting him as a duke of Swabia. On the seal he bears a shield with
three lions passant guardant. This blason is repeated on the banner he keeps
in his right hand. The legend X HENRICVS DEI GRACIA DVX SWEVIE refers to his ducal rank and the anatomy of
the knight indicates that he has been portrayed as a child. The seal probably
has been cut and used between 1217 and
1220, in the time he was allowed to call himself Rex Sicilie et dux Suevie [4]. The arms are the emblem of a very high
military rank, comparable with the (contemporary) arms of the duke of
Aquitaine and Normandy, count of Anjou, alias the king of England and
of the king of Denmark. A connection of these arms with Sicily is not likely
but a connection with Swabia is almost certain. Indeed, on coins of earlier
Swabian dukes there is only one lion. [5] Later the three lions occur
frequently in relation with Swabia, sometimes gold on a black field but most
of the time black on a golden field like on the shield of the bailiffs (Truchsessen)
of Waldburg who governed the duchy for a long time. [6] The arms are remarkable because they do not
represent a vassalage but just a high military rank, equal to the rank of a
king and an imperial vassal, of which the symbol was an eagle, but not within
the imperial feudal system. This has probably to do with the fact that the
Hohenstaufen could consider the duchy as their inalienable property. The arms
also make a difference between the king of Germany and the duke of Swabia ,
offices united in personal union by king Philipp (1198-1208). [7] A second coat of arms related to Henry VII is
from an English source. It is documented by Matthew Paris who, in his
‘History of England’ gives a coat of arms parted per pale of a dimidiated
black eagle on yellow field and a dimidiated white cross moline on a red
field with the legend Scutum Henrici filii imperatoris. [8] This symbol can be considered as
a parti of the imperial arms with the two-headed black eagle of Frederick
II and the symbol of the territories under Hohenstaufen control within the
Roman empire In that way it is in fact the arms of Henry VII as a son of
his father, in the words of Matthew Paris, because it is a difference of
the imperial arms. His younger half-brothers later bore, also after Matthew
Paris, also differences of the arms with the two-headed eagle. These arms can
only have been used for a short time, that is to say between the coronation
of Frederick II on 22 November 1220 as an Emperor and the coronation of Henry
VII as a Roman King on 8 May 1222 in Aachen. In this time Frederick II could
bear the arms with the two-headed eagle but Henry could not yet bear the
black eagle on gold of the Roman King. For the rest Matthew Paris is the only
one who documents these arms. [9] The third arms borne by Henry VII is a black
eagle on a golden field. These could have been handed over by the arms of the
different cities favoured by Henry VII, but because many of these favours
were withdrawn even before the end of his reign, only a few of these
municipal arms, like those of Goslar, may date from that time. A strong proof
that Henry VII has borne these arms with the eagle is handed down by way of
the English connection. This was established by the marriage of Frederidk II
with Isabella of England († 1241), a daughter of John Lackland and a sister of Henry III Plantagenet. The
wedding took place by proxy on 22 February 1235 in Westminster and was ratified on 15 July 1235 in Worms. In this
way is became possible that there is a stained glass in York Minster showing
both the arms of the Emperor and the King of the Romans. The glass in any case dates from after 1234
which can be deducted from the arms of the king of Navarra with the carbuncle
which dates from that year. [10] The imperial arms with the
two-headed eagle disappeared for some time after the reign of Frederick II
and this means that the glasses were made before 1245/’50. In this period
(1234-’50), Henry VII was the only crowned Roman King because his halfbrother
Conrad may have been elected a Roman king but did never have the honour to be
crowned. It can not be expected that Henry Raspe of Thuringia or William II
of Holland, counter-kings in the time of the reign of Frederick II, have
sponsored the realisation of the glass. [11] Also, the papal arms are on the
glass and it would be unlikely that these would be depicted together with the
arms of Frederick II after he was excommunicated for the second time in 1239,
this excommunication introductory for his deposition in 1245 [12] In this way the arms with the eagle on the
York Minster glass are very likely the arms of Henry VII and the warrior in
the upper right corner, wearing a coat of arms with the same blazon should
certainly be him. If this is true, it is also clear when the program of the
window was established because Henry was deposend and taken prisoner on 4
July 1235, even before the wedding of Frederick and Isabella. Thus, the parts
concerned should have been finished during the negotiations for the marriage
in 1234-’35. [13] A
fourth blason is also documented by Matthew Paris. It is parted of yellow and
green. These arms can be considered as the ultimate nadir of the
heraldic career of Henry VII [14]. It does not characterize him as the ‘son of his father’ or as a
Roman King, but as an unfree knight, a social position only one step higher
than of those not permitted to be a vassal and who could not bear a coat of
arms at all. The
colour green
can be considered, from the Later Roman Empire until the 13th century, as the
colour of the caesares or highest imperial operational commanders. The
arms imply Henry VII to be a caesar but a caesar without a
command because an insignia of rank is lacking. Michel Pastoureau observes
about this green-yellow combination of colours: le
jaune et le vert associés constituent les couleurs de la folie. C’est en effet la combinaison de ces deux couleurs que l’on trouve
le plus fréquemment, aux xive
et xve siècle, sur les
vêtements portés par les fous de cour. [....] Le jaune évoque la
transgression de la norme; le vert, la perturberation de l’ordre établi. [15]
This
“established order” was certainly threatened by the caesares who rebelled
against imperial authority. In this context we may observe that Henry VII had
an illustrious predecessor in Henry V who succeeded in deposing his father,
Henry IV. In most cases however, the fathers leaded the way of their sons,
which we can learn from the fates of the many sons of the Ottoman sultans in
the Near East. According to Pastoureau, you could find at court no bigger
fool than Henry VII, who dared to rebel against his father. Thus, the role of
a Roman King at court could be taken over by the court-jester and the
green-gold combination came to have a more general meaning. From this review we may conclude that the
bearing of arms at the beginning of the 13th century paralelled the career of
the bearer. Besides it becomes clear that children, even of a young age,
could be granted arms, depending on the legal position they had in
government. Amsterdam, september 2004. Hubert de Vries |
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1212 |
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Virgin Mary and Child Mosaic in the Baptistery of St John,
Florence, 13th century. Explanation The Baptistery of
St. John (Battistero di S. Giovanni) was the original Cathedral of
Florence until a new cathedral was built. In the 13th century it was
decorated with mosaic from which this one is an example. In the beginning of
the 13th century Tuscany was still governed by Imperial vicars of which the
future king Philipp and, in the last years of the rule of Frederick II, Enzio
(1239-’48) belonged to the House of Hohenstaufen. As a result it
would be possible that the mosaic depicts one of the consorts of Frederick II
with the heir to the throne on her lap. Most probable is Constance of Aragon
(*1182-†1222), the first wife of Frederick II. The child would be Henry VII
then and the mosaic could be made between 1211 and 1222. Most probable is
after 1215 when his father had been crowned for the second time a Roman King
and was expecting his coronation as a Roman Emperor in Rome. In that case the
boy has been portrayed at the age of five or six. An argument for
identifying the mosaic as to be Constance and her son, is the peculiar
rectangular form of the face of Henry VII which can also be seen on his later
portraits. Apparently he inherited his
eyes from his mother. Certainly not Frederick II himself
and his mother Constance of Hauteville is depicted because he had an oval
face. Henry VII remained, until 1228, the only legitimate child of Frederick
II. |
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1216-1217 |
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Arms: Three lions passant. Banner: Three lions passant Equestrian Seal of Henry VII Staatsarchiv Sigmaringen FAS DS 39 T 1-3 U 6 Seal: The duke on horseback. Arms and
Banner: Three lions passant. L.: X HENRICVS DEI GRACIA DVX SWEVIE. D.: 1216-1220. [16]. On this seal the duke is of the age of five.
The colours of the shield are uncertain, they may have been: Or, three lions passant
Sable or: Sable, three lions passant
Or. |
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1220 – 1235 |
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During the minority of Henry VII Germany was
governed by regents until Henry took over the administration in 1228. His support
of the middle classes against their bishops irritated the princes who
extorted in 1231 a large number of measures from him, protecting them against
the growing cities and extending their power over their own territories. Such
a kind of privilege, be it not so far going, was given by Frederick II to the
prelates at the occasion of the election of Henry in 1220. In May 1232 he
confirmed the Statutem in favorem
principum of Henry which de facto legitimized the independence of the
German princes. Not long after Henry tried to hamper imperial power and in
September 1234 he rebelled against the emperor. He was joined by the Lombard
League which resisted the restoration of imperial power in Lombardy by
Frederick II after 1231. The revolt collapsed when Frederick II came to
Germany in the spring of 1235. In July Henry was deposed and taken prisoner
by Frederick II. At the same time Frederick II decided to declare an Imperial
war against the Lombards and defeated the Lombard army on 27 November 1237
near Cortenuova. In the first period
of his kingship the coat of arms of Henry VII seems to have been: Parted per
pale of Or, a dimidiated eagle Sable and Gules, a cross moline Argent. This
coat of arms, consisting of the amrs of the Roman king and the arms of Germany
(or the secular Holy Roman Empire), is documented by Matthew Paris: 1242 Mattheus Parisiensis HA14 f. 134v.: Death of Three Nobles: inverted shield of Henry, king of the Romans: Or, an eagle displayed sable, impaling gules a cross recercly argent. L.: Scutum Henrici filii imperatoris. [17] |
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Arms of Henry VII after Matthew Paris |
Seal of Memmingen, 1230. |
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It is
confirmed by the seal of the city of Memmingen dated 1230, showing a party
of the cross and the eagle dimidiated. [18] They may have been the arms of the Imperial
regency for Henry VII (1220-’28) |
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Royal seal of Henry VII Seal: The king on his throne with
crown, sceptre and orb. L.: X : HENRICVS
• D(E)I GR(ATI)A • ROMANORVM : REX & SEMP(ER) AVGVSTVS. Æ 8,5 cm. D.:
Straßburg, 1220. [19]. As the kings seems to be full grown and has
the features of Frederick II, the legend of the seal may have been recut to
suit the name and titles of Henry VII, who was nine years old in 1220. |
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Seal of the City of Oppenheim Seal: Bust of the king, crowned with a
hooped crown. L.: X SIGILLVM •
bvriensivm in oppenheim.
Æ 7,7 cm. Date: 1225 / ’26 [20] The king may
be Henry VII. The crown consists of a diadem with one leaf and two groups of
pearls and has a hoop with a cross and is identical to the crown on the royal
seal of 1220 |
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Golden Bull: The king on his throne with crown, sceptre
and orb. L.: X heinric[us] d[e]i gr[ati]a romanor[um] rex et semp[er] avgvst[us]. Date:
1226. [21].
This time the crown is a leafed crown |
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Bamberger
Reiter
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1234 /’35 Bamberger Reiter Choir of St. George in Bamberg
Cathedral. Sandstone, remains of
paint. h. 233 cm. The accepted opinion is that the so-called Bamberger Reiter dates from before
1237, but it is a matter of discussion who actually is portrayed. Many
propositions have been made of which Stephen of Hungary is the best known. Very likely the rider is King Henry VII
because: a. The sculpture has been made during his
rule. b. The rider wears a crown with four large
and four small leaves and consequently depicts a king. c. The rider looks like Henry VII on his
royal seal and on the seal of the city of Oppenheim. d. The rider depicts a young man and in 1234
Henry VII was of the age of 23. e. There has been an important relation
between Henry VII and Bamberg because he granted its citizens the right to be
summoned only by their own court. [22] f. His
successors and kings of surrounding kingdoms had different features. |
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Stained glas in York Minster, 13th century 17th
century drawing in the collection of
the College of Arms, Londen showing the original arrangement. The portrait
of the Roman king is the one in the upper right corner between the arms of
the king of England and of the king of
France. This portrait has been lost and has been replaced by St George
with a coat of arms of a red cross on a white field. |
Photo York Minster Library Detail of the York glasses with the arms of the Roman King On
the glasses there are the arms with the keys of the pope, the two-headed
eagle of the emperor of the Holy Roman empire, of the kings of England,
France, Aragon and of the Roman King, of the king of Castile, of Jeruzalem
and of the king of Navarra. It is one of the few places where the arms of the
Emperor and the Roman King appear together. |
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During the reign of Henry VII the use of the royal
arms became widespread amongst the cities privileged by Henry VII or his
father. An example is the seal of the city of Schweinfurt, privileged by them
to have markets and strike coins. This seal shows the royal arms of 13th
century fashion and the arms of the city initially were: Or, and eagle Sable.
[23] It would be a matter of
interesting research how many cities actually adopted the royal arms in the
time of Frederick II and his son. |
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Prisoner in Heidelberg,
Alerheim im Ries, San Fele near Melfi and
Nicastro |
1235-1242 |
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Colour picture: website Museo Civico, Barletta Bust of a Prince. Southern Italy, 2nd quarter of the 13th century. Limestone, H. 116 cm.
L.: DIVI I………I CÆ (Barletta, Museo Civico). This portraitbust comes from a gate leading
to Masseria Fasoli (between Barletta and Canosa di Puglia). The man looks
like the man portrayed on the seal of Oppenheim and the Rider of Bamberg..
The crown of laurel was introduced by Frederick II
for himself after his landing in Brindisi and his campaign in Southern Italy
in 1229, and consequently this bust should be of a later date. The
inscription, for which different propositions have been made, should read: DIVI HCI CÆ (The Divine Caesar Henry) and Henry
VII may have been a caesar after his deposition as a Roman King. This
would explain why the bust is not wearing a royal crown but a crown of laurel
only. Besides, the bust has been found only about 80 east from San Fele.
Indeed, the features of the bust would fit a man of about 28 – 30 very
well. [24] |
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Arms: Per
pale Or and Vert a two headed eagle Sable These arms are also documented by Matthew
Paris: Mattheus Parisiensis, Chronica Majora 16 f. 155v.: Death of Henry in 1242: Reversed shield, parted per pale Or and Vert. L.: Henrici filii imperatoris. (Lewis) |
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Son 1: Henry Son 2. Frederick |
* 1204/1210- †1267 ¥ 1 Heinrich VII 29.11.1225 ¥ 2 Przemysl Ottokar 11.02.1252 *1228-†1242 *1229-†1251 |
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Margarethe
was crowned Roman Queen Aachen 28 March 1227, became a Dominikan nun in Trier
(1242) and Würzbug (1224), gave her crown to the Predigerkloster in Eßlingen
and the Frauenkloster in Weil and Sirnau near Eßlingen, raised after the
death of her brother Friedrich (fallen in 1246 ) claim to the Duchies of
Austria and Styria and withdrew into the world. [25] A statuette of Margarethe and her son Henry
(or Fredeick) has been preserved as the so-called Madonna of Aachen. (Lower
Rhine, Maas Area ca 1230).[26] Another statuette of hers, 1230, Freiburg i.
Breisgau |
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© Hubert de Vries 2010-01-10.
Updated 2014-02-25; 2020-09-10
[1] This
essay was published before in dutch language in: Heraldisch Tijdschrift 2005,
Jrg. 11, nr. 1 pp. 5-10. The actual essay
is a translation and an update of it.
[2] Gino
Fornacieri, paleopathologist at
the Unversity of Pisa, has noticed, when he did research on the skeleton
of Henry VII, that he suffered from a
grave form of leprosy. This could have been, it is thought, the reason why he
was kept in isolated confinement.
[3] Kestel, Fritz: Ermittlungen zur künstlerische Konzeption und historischen Identität des »Bamberger Reiters«. In: Die Andechs Meranier in Franken. Mainz, 1998. pp. 227-232. Portretzegels van Hendrik VII in Die Zeit de Staufer, n°s 52, 53, 141.
[4] Die Zeit der Staufer Kat. nr. 73. Seal from Sigmaringen, Fürstl.
Hohenzollern’sches Haus- u. Domänenarchiv, Kloster Wald, U 6 : 1216, July 15
(BF 3845). The charter dated incorrectly..
[5] Die Zeit der Staufer Kat. nrs. 199, 75, 76, 77. Coins from Biberach and Überlingen with one
lion passant.
[6] Bach, Max: Zur Geschichte des schwäbischen
Wappens. In: Der Deutsche Herold, 1903, pp. 180-183.
[7] About the complicated position of Swabia in the kingdom and the empire: Schreiner, Klaus: Die Staufer als Herzöge von Schwaben. In: Die Zeit der Staufer, III, pp. 7-19.
[8]
Matheus Parisiensis: Historia Anglorum. Brit. Lib. London, Ms. Roy. 14 .C.VII, fol.
134v. 1242. Death of three nobles: Reversed shield of Henry, king of the
Romans.
[9] It was
thought that these arms are on the seal of the city of Memmingen but this shows
a cross and a one-headed eagle dimidiated. Besides, the cross is red on a white
field and not dimidiated and consequently dates from some time later, for example from the time of
William II or the time of caesaropapism.
[10] That is
from the beginning of reign of the House
of Champagne in Navarra. The oldes seal
with the carbuncle dates form 1247: Douët d’Arcq, n° 11372. The nave of York
Minster dates from 1296 and consequently the stained glass or parts of it have
to originate from an older church. A
picture of the glass in 1666 in Dugdale’s Yorkshire Arms fol. 96c. (Coll.
College of Arms, Londen). Photographs from 1946 and from before the restoration
were placed at disposal by the Dean and Chapter of York.
[11] Hendrik
Raspe was crowned a German but not a Roman King. William II was only crowned a
Roman King in 1252.
[12] This
means that the arms of Gregrory IX
(1227-’41) are depicted.
[13] The
dress and armoury of the persons depicted do not contradict the date of 1234.
[14] Mattheus Parisiensis: Chronica
Majora M 16 f. 155v.: Death of Henry in 1242: Reversed shield of yellow and
green: Henrici filii imperatoris. The
quotes of Matheus Parisiensis always from Lewis, Suzanne: The Art of Matthew
Paris in the Chronica Majora. Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1987.
[15] Pastoureau, M.: Figures et Couleurs. Paris 1986 pp 23-34.
[16] Staatsarchiv Sigmaringen FAS DS 39 T 1-3 U 6 Die Zeit der Staufer, n° 73
[17] Lewis, Suzanne: The Art of
Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora. Univ. of California Press. Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1987.
[18] Seyler, Gustav A.: Geschichte der Heraldik.
[Wappenwesen, Wappenkunst, Wappenwissenschaft]. J. Siebmacher's grosses
Wappenbuch Band A. Nürnberg 1885-1889. P. 284.
[19] Die Zeit der Staufer n° 52
[20] Ibid. n° 141
[21] Ibid. n° 53
[22] See: Die Zeit der Staufer. Kat. nr. 441. And: Kessel, Fritz:
Ermittlungen zur künstlerischen Konzeption und historischen Identität des
»Bamberger Reiters«. In: Die Andechs-Meranier in Franken. 1998. Pp. 227-232.
[23] Seyler
op. cit 1885, p. 284. The seals preserved are from 1325, 1330 and 1364.
[24] Fragment eines Kaiserbildnisses. In: Die Zeit
der Staufer I, pp. 669 - 670. Kat.
848, Abb. 627. Most certainly the bust is not of Frederick II as
announced by the Museo Civico. It would be nice if we could demonstrate that
Massera Fasoli has been a royal or imperial country-seat.
[25] Die Zeit der Staufer, III, p. 368
[26] Die Zeit der Staufer, I, 475